Figure 1: The Naranag Temple complex and mathas, built by Lalitaditya. Kalhana and his father Canpaka frequented this structure.
Suryamatī stared into nothingness as she stood in front of her husband’s burning pyre, on the banks of the Vitastā River in Vijayakștera. She was unable to process how their argument escalated to the point of her husband committing suicide. She felt the warmth of the flames on her face as she re-assessed the situation that had transpired. Her insolent son, Kalaśa was enroute to Vijayakștera, adamant on seeking revenge from his (now late) father. Despite her valiant efforts, he had not abandoned this self destructive idea. Her ministers, standing behind her, probably held her responsible for the King’s death. The trauma of that thought was physically draining. The public humiliation from her marital faithfulness being questioned in public by her husband during their argument, made her angry beyond measure. She turned around and asked, “Well, has Kalaśa come?”… “No, your Majesty”, a minister mumbled. She scooped up a handful of water from Vitastā and mumbled a mantra. Then Suryamatī loudly proclaimed, “May those who have caused the fatal enmity between us two and our son quickly be destroyed together with their descendants” and ran into the pyre. Her ministers could barely respond before the Queen was completely engulfed in the flames.
We begin our discussion on the Seventh Book of Rājatarangini that describes events after Didda’s rule. Queen Didda changed the trajectory of Kashmir’s polity by shifting the previous patrilineality of succession to her side of the family (her maternal family of Hindu Shahis) and ultimately conferred the tile of ‘Yuvarāja’ on her brother Udayarāja’s son, Samgrāmarāja before passing away in 1003 AD. Samgrāmarāja marks the beginning of the first Lohara dynasty and his early rule was occupied in putting down the rebellious factions under Didda’s extramarital partner, Tunga. Samgrāmarāja and Tunga’s political battle is mentioned in detail by Kalhana. However, Samgrāmarāja’s rule is seminal for one of the most infamous and landmark points in Indian history, the fall of the Hindu Shahis and the advent of Islam under the invasions of Mahmud of Ghazani in the south-west region of Kashmir. Kalhana mentions that Tunga went to assist Trilochanapāla, the last Hindu Shahi Prince with his forces and even managed an initial victory before being defeated by the forces of Mahmud Ghazani.
Figure 2: Silver coins of Mahmud Ghazani, the one on the left was minted in Lahore and has Sanskrit text in Sharda Script of Kashmir. It reads,”avyaktam eka Muhammad aavatāra nrpati mahamuda”, i.e. “There is one Invisible; Muhammad is the avatar, the King is Mahmud (Ghazani)
Kalhana heavily praises Trilochanapāla, who despite losing all his allies fought ferociously and attempted to win back what remained of his kingdom for some time. Muhammadan historians like Alberuni also mention the bravery of Trilochanpāla to recover his kingdom, but to no avail. Kalhana mourns the shocking fall of the Shahis. He says that the ‘Chandals’ (army of Mahmud) swarmed like locusts upon the one once illustrious kingdom’. The reason for Tunga’s direct and avid interest in helping the Hindu Shahi ruler, Trilochanpāla can be understood from a meager commentary Kalhana makes while describing the events after Tunga’s death. He mentions Bimba (Tunga’s daughter-in-law) who was a ‘Shahi princess’ as having committed Sati. Thus, there is a possibility that Bimba was directly related to the Shahi Prince Trilochanapāla, which would make Trilochanpala and Tunga as in-law relatives. Even if that isn’t the case, Bimba being a Shahi princess was enough for Kashmir’s direct involvement in the protection of the Hindu Shahis.
Figure 3: Temples of Hindu Shahis at KafirKot (Fort of Kafirs /non-believers) at Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Hindu Shahis built temples in the Gandhar-Nagara style of architecture.
Kalhana doesn’t specifically mention the year of Ghazani’s invasion but the details align with the 1013 AD invasion. Contemporary Muslim chroniclers mention that Mahmud attempted a siege of the Loh-Kot (Castle of the Loharas) which was on the edge of the Lohara territory (Southern Kashmir) but his attempts were futile as the area became inaccessible due to snowing, after which Mahmud returned to Ghazani.
Post-Tunga, Samgrāmarāja’s rule is described as complete chaos marked by breakdown of all norms of regality, as the King appointed unfit people on important posts. Samgrāmarāja’s queen Śrilekha is described as a full-blown adulterer but smart, even assisting the King during the Ghaznavid invasion. Samgrāmarāja’s daughter Lothikā, seems to be the only pious person and constructed a Matha, named Lothikāmatha (at present day Srinagar) which was named after herself and another one in her mother’s name, Tilottama (probably Samgrāmarāja’s first wife). Samgrāmarāja died in 1028 AD and was succeeded by his son Harirāja.
Figure 4: Abridged Family tree of the First Lohara Dynasty, with only sections relevant for this article. Download image for better viewing or find it pinned on @SinoperdarkBlog on Twitter.
Harirāja lasted for barely twenty-two days after which he died. His mother Śrilekha attempted to crown herself but her son Ananta ended up becoming the king. Both Śrilekha and her son Ananta were challenged by Vigraharāja (brother of the last King Sangramraja) who attempted a coup from Lothikāmatha. Śrilekha heard the news and sent soldiers to alight Lothikāmatha, thus killing Vigraharāja. King Ananta is also described to have bravely defeated a coup against him led by Tribhuvan, his commander- in-chief. Kalhana says that King Ananta spent his time in the company of Shahi Princes (which it seems were the last vestiges of the Hindu Shahi dynasty, living as refugees in Kashmir).
Figure 5: Payar Temple, Shrinagar, 11th Century CE. Constructed in the distinct Kashmir Nagara style with sloping roofs, pointed doorways and minimal ornamentation. Image Credit: Namrata Wakhloo.
Many authors have duly noted the great flexibility in social mobility seen in Kashmiri courtly culture. While describing the coup of Tribhuvan against Ananta, Kalhana mentions that the Dāmaras supported Tribhuvan while the Ekāńgas loyally stood beside the king. As discussed in previous parts, Dāmaras were the landowning class (over time must have evolved as ‘militarily-trained landowners’) and Ekāńgas, who were almost a para-military/knight group which weaved in and out of Kashmir’s polity, especially during succession crisis. Kalhana uses the term ‘Lavanya’ to denote the Dāmaras which overtime evolved to ‘Lone’, a well-known caste of Kashmiri Muslims today. Kalhana notes that King Ananta duly rewarded the Ekāńgas for their loyalty by giving them a fixed income, rather than being dependent on Akșapaṭala (the accounts department) for their pay. Horse trainers and horse traders also shot up to the top of the social ladder as King Ananta was fond of horses. Rājatarangini definitely presents Kashmir’s polity as highly fluid, with socio-political groups rising and falling from power positions with equal frequency. Kalhana’s repeated observation of the personal character of the King/Queen and their family shows that they had a larger role to play than just being political heads.
Figure 6: Vishnu and Lakshmi supported by Garuda, artefact from the time of the Lohara dynasty, 11th century CE, Jammu and Kashmir. The sculpture belongs to the Vaikuntha Chaturmurti type, which is rooted in the Pancha Ratra Agama Worship, prevalent in Kashmir. The arch supported by pillars is similar to the doorframe of Kashmir’s temples.
Ananta’s wife, Queen Suryamatī (Subhata) – Princess of Kangra, was a patron of architecture and a powerful personality in Kashmir’s contemporary politics. She commissioned a Shivālaya named Gaurīśvara and a matha on the banks of Vitastā (Jhelum) called Subhatamatha under her name. She established mathas carrying her husband’s and brother’s names too. While these details may seem unnecessary and quite frankly repetitive, they are very important for reconstructing the settlement patterns for archaeological findings. Shivālayas of the time were built in the traditional Kashmiri Nāgara style that reflected a blend of Gupta, Gāndhara and Mathurā styles. These temples had the signature sloping roof with limited ornamentation to facilitate the snowy climate.
Figure 7: A Traditional Kashmir Nagara Temple, The concentric doorframes with the pointed arch in the outermost layer, and the double layered Shikhara with sloping roofs. Ideally, a gold amalaka would be placed on top, usually as an endowment from the King/Queen.
We also find instances of land grants as Kalhana records that Suryamatī donated 108 Agraharas (land units) to Brahmanas to commemorate a temple’s consecration. King Ananta and Suryamatī moved out of the royal palace following the death of their son Rājaraja and relocated near the shrine of Sadaśiva near the river Kshiptika, which is a part of Vitastā. Here, the mention of the shrine of Sadaśiva needs special notice. Kashmir at the time was teeming with Tantra-based Shaiva and Vaishnava practices. Accordingly, Śaiva Tantra (which was partly governed by ŚaivaSiddhānta texts) celebrates Sadaśiva as the ‘half-manifested’ (vyakta-avyakta) form of Śiva.
Figure 8: Sadaśiva seated on padma, from West Bengal, Pala Sculpture, 11th c. CE. The Vidyadhar (celestial garland holders) signify that this avatara is connected to the realm between the Earth and Swargaloka. Credit- Kala Kshetram.
Brief reforms were seen under Ananta’s Prime Minister, Haladhara who reorganized polities under multiple chiefs. He executed the rebellious horse trainers who had risen due to King Ananta’s favour and had threatened royal hierarchy. Haladhara also led economic reforms by abolishing the segregation of gold coins on the basis of quality. This removed the multiple intrinsic values of gold coins in Kashmir and expanded the real value of bullion. In 1069 AD, Queen Suryamatī obtained her husband Ananta’s abdication in favour of their son Kalaśa.
Figure 9: Coinage under Ananta, Obverse shows Goddess Lakshmi seated, flanked by Nagari legend Ananta. Credit- Ganga Numismatics
Kalhana mentions that Ananta’s abdication in favour of his son Kalaśa was heavily opposed by his ministers. Regardless, the details of Kalaśa’s coronation throw light on the political culture of Northern India. Princes of neighbouring states all the way down to Kañyakubja (Kannauj) were present at the coronation. Ananta’s ministers diplomatically shifted powers from Kalaśa back to King Ananta and rendered Kalaśa simply as the nominal head of the state. Kalhana describes Kalaśa as an infamous adulterer, which would explain the ministers’ desire to not let him become the monarch.
Kalaśa’s cousin Kshitirāja, who was the lord of Lohara also contributed to strengthening the empire. Upon learning of his own son’s attempt of a coup, Kshitirāja approached Kalaśa and announced Kalaśa and Queen Rāmlekhā’s elder child Utkarśa as the heir apparent to Lohara, which would mean that in due time (when Utkarśa ascends the throne) the empire of Kashmir and Lohara would merge. Kshitirāja, who was a Bhāgvata (Vaishnavite), then renounced worldly affairs and retired in the pilgrimage town of Chakradhara. Chakradhara, i.e. present day Semthan in Kashmir is an important archaeological site that has almost 6 layers of settlement going back to pre-historic times. At one point Semthan was a Greek and Kushana settlement too. From 5th to 13th century, Semthan was a site of Hindu culture. Foundational remains of palace/buildings survive at Semthan.
Figure 10: Terracotta Brick Tile showing a man riding a horse, excavated at Chakradhar, Semthan.
Pan-Indian Cultural flows can be seen in the seventh book of Rājatarangini too. Kalhana mentions Kshitirāja of Lohara and King Bhoja of Madhyadeśa as contemporary rulers, both renowned for their intelligence and known as patrons of arts. He records that King Bhoja (AD 1010-1063) of Dhār (present day Madhya Pradesh) received regular consignments of water from a holy lake in Papasudana Tirtha in Kashmir. Raja Bhoja even sponsored the construction of tank for the said lake. We have already covered how Queen Didda constructed a matha for Shaiva monks from Madhyadeśa. Another interesting tidbit comes from the archival records of the Bhrihadiśvara Temple at Thanjavur built by King Raja Raja Chola (Prince Arulmolivarman). Inscriptions at Bhrihadiśvara show that Shaiva Acharyas from Madhyadeśa were involved in the management of the temple. A priest named ‘Sarva Shiva Pandita’ was the main Acharya of Bhrihadiśvara at Thanjavur, his last name quite common amongst Kashmiri Pandits. These events happening in the same time period might establish a cultural channel starting from Kashmir to Tamil Nadu via Madhyadeśa.
Figure 11: King Bhoja of Dhar sent ‘heaps of gold’ to King Ananta of Kashmir for construction of round tank at Kootihar spring.
Kalhana mentions an important economic detail while making a remark about the infighting amongst members of the royalty. He says that up until the recent past ‘the members of the royal family jointly owned assets’ and there was ‘no contestation over ownership’. This would explain the free hand and leading role of women in the royal family in making endowments, building mathas and consecrating temples. Another minor social commentary is seen in the narrative where Kalaśa appoints a corrupted mendicant as his councilor and gives him the title ‘Thakkura’. Etymologically speaking, this might be the early development of a landowning-nobility that will eventually acquire the verbiage ‘Thakur’ amongst the Rajputs of South Kashmir and Rajasthan.
Other political positions described in Lohara rule includes the Prime Minister (Sarvadhikara/Sarvadhikarin), Lord of the Gate (Dwarapala), Chief commandent of the army (Kampana), City Prefect (Nagaradhikari), Office(r) of Revenue (Kamasthana/Kalashagañja) and Chamberlain (Mahattara). The last two books of Rājatarangini mention a new office ‘Rajasthana’ or ‘Rajasthanadhikara’ which was almost similar to the position of a chief justice. This is interesting because usually in Indic administrative texts, justice dispensation is seen as a function of the King/Rajan (as mentioned in Dharmashastras and Smratis) so to see a separate judicial position is surprising. But in another instance, Kalhana mentions that the King’s court was made up of four parts; pratishthit, apratishthit, mudrita and shashita. ‘Pratisthit’ and ‘Apratisthit’ literally meant royalty and un-royalty, possibly referring to a council of upper and lower house. The third division, ‘mudrita’ had judicial undertones and was most likely the body of justice dispensation comprising of the King himself. It is here that the office of the ‘Rajasthana’ and ‘Mudrita’ overlap. Eventually, ‘Rajasthana’ devolved as ‘keeper of the palace’; possibly referring to the officer incharge of the general upkeep of the palace.
Figure 12: 8th century AD Buniyar Temple at Baramulla (originally Varahamula), Kashmir. The surrounding colonade is a great example of how residential architecture must have looked like.
Coming back to the story of King Ananta, Suryamatī and their ill-witted son Kalaśa, Kalhana narrates a winding tale that involves Ananta shifting to Vijayakștera/Poonch (a pilgrimage town) along with his subjects after abdication and a failed war between him and his son, Kalaśa. Kalhana mentions the failed interventions of Queen Suryamatī to end the dispute between the father and son. There is again a fleeting remark of Barhmanas holding a fast, ‘praya’ to stop the political hostility that was affecting the kingdom. In the end, Ananta committed suicide (A.D. 1068) after an argument with his wife Suryamatī and died in a truly grotesque fashion, which is not fit for retelling here. Suryamatī herself committed a dramatic Sati at Vijayakștera, cursing ‘those who had bought enmity between a father and his son’ to die an early death.
Figure 13: The surviving gateway of Buniyar Temple at Varahmula, great example of the trefoil arch, sloping roof and pillared doorframe. Credit- Travelthehimalayas.com
After his parents’ death, Kalaśa is described to have had a change of heart and began ruling as regent for his son, Utkarśa. Kalhana mentions that he started managing the kingdom ‘like his own household’, utilizing resources judiciously. He rebuilt the town of Vijayakștera and the stone temple located there and placed a gold amalaka on its top. He established a city bearing his name too which has been identified as present day ‘Zevan’, south-east of Shrinagar. Similar temples were constructed at Tripureśwara and Kalasheśwara. Kalasha then directed his attention towards political consolidation by securing control over the state of Rājapuri (present day Rajouri) after a succession struggle. He took over Lohara by ousting King Bhuvanarāja. He also secured control of Nilapura by marrying Bhuvanamatī, daughter of Kirtiraja, the lord of Nilapura. Overall, Kalaśa’s reign as the regent of Utkarśa (his son), saw Kashmir consolidating control over all the surrounding hill states. Furthermore, his new city prefect, Malla, crossed the Krishna (Kishanganga) river and launched a conquest of Urasa (Hazara) in present day Central Afghanistan.
Figure 14: Sharda Peeth, located in Neelam (Kishanganga) valley just beyond the line of control in Pakistan occupied Kashmir. The temple is located in a small village called Shardi near the confluence of the Kishanganga and Madhumati rivers. Malla crossed the same river to reach Hazara.
A landmark moment in Kashmir’s polity is seen in 1087 when Kalaśa assembled eight kings of the surrounding hill states at his capital. It is a remarkable detail that can be attested with the records of each of the states and a blessing for historians corroborating genealogy. Kalhana writes,
“In the presence of the king appeared Kirti, the ruler of Baddhdpura; Asata, king of Gampd and Kalasa, lord of Vallapura; King Samgrampala too, lord of Rajapuri; Utkarsa, Lohara’s ruler; Sangata, King of Urasa, Gambhirasiha, chief of Kanda, and the illustrious Uttamaraja, the ruler of Kashthavata.”
The winding narrative of King Kalaśa’s end is dragged in great detail by Kalhana which is not of much historical importance. Kalaśa and his elder son Harsha (from Queen Eshant Maharani), are engaged in a feud and Kalaśa crowns his younger son Utkarśa (who was the heir of Lohara) as king. Utkarśa was soon ousted by brother, Harsha. Ultimately in 1089, Utkarśa committed suicide and Harsha assumed the throne of Kashmir. (Check the family tree chart for better clarity).
Harsha’s accession (1089 AD) and the initial impact of it are described in bright colours by Kalhana. Harsha assumed monopoly of the title ‘Rājā’. He reintroduced opulent courtly culture and revolutionized ‘court fashion’. Kalhana mentions that common people of Kashmir who had until that point worn their hair down, with no head ornaments, changed their style by emulating his own braided hair, thick sandalwood mark on forehead and long flowing robes. His queens were also rebranded as they started braiding their hair to form a garland around their neck which was woven with flowers. They applied long eyeliners that reached their hairline. Kalhana makes specific note that women did not wear veils but instead adorned themselves with half-sleeved jackets, long flowing skirts, jewellery, pendants and perfumes. Such details are important for visualizing the past.
Figure 15: Brick sculpture of a dancing girl from Semthan, Chakradhar. Notice the unveiled hair, hoop ear rings, flowing shawl and skirt.
Harsha was inspired by the style and administration of Deccan Kings and therefore introduced his own coin (tanka) that was branded along the lines of Karnata (Karnataka) coins. Cultural contact with southern India is again highlighted when Kalhana mentions that his fellow poet, Bilhana, who had left Kashmir earlier, had been appointed in the service of Karnata King Parmadi as Vidyāpati (Chief Pandit). Here, Parmadi refers to Chālukya King Vikramāditya Tribhuvanamalla (1076 – 1126 CE). Clear corroboration of this fact is seen in the character sketch of Vikramāditya by Bilhana called ‘Vikramadevacharita’. Likewise, King Harsha appointed a multitude of poets and learned men in his service. Palace bells were erected that were available to the public for justice dispensation. Territorial hegemony of Kashmir was maintained when Harsha sent Kandarpa, Lord of the Gate to take over Rājapuri. Kandarpa defeated the ruler of Rājapuri and returned after charging a tribute.
Harsha’s Shahi Queen, Vasantlekhā founded mathas and agraharas in Shrinagar. The mathas of Suryamulaka and Vijayeśwara were built at Jayavana (present day Zevan) by Sunna, his Chief Minister. Sunna is sometimes called ‘Danda Nayaka’ or ‘dispenser of punishments’. It is unclear how the post of Prime Minister or Sarvadhikara evolved into Chief Minister or ‘Dandanayaka’. Harsha himself built a lake called ‘Pampa’ which was a habitat for biodiversity.
Figure 16: The Bodhisattva Sugatisamdarsana-Lokesvara, Kashmir, Lohara period, c. 11th century. The figure is flanked by a donor Kashmiri couple.
It is here that Harsha’s rule takes a murky turn. With his incessant expenditure, he soon ran into financial problems. His ‘evil’ attendants advised him to exploit temple treasures. Kalhana mentions how Harsha ruthlessly taxed and forcibly extracted temple wealth, treasures and even the gold on the temple parasols. Not only that, he established a special officer, ‘Devopatananayaka’ to oversee the extraction of Temple Treasury. He went even further to defile the images and engaged in iconoclasm. It seems that unjustified state control over temples was a problem even in the 11th century. It is infamously recorded that even ‘night soil’ was taxed under his rule.
Figure 17: Coinage under Harsha, 1089-1101 CE, Kashmir
Kalhana scathingly gave Harsha the title of ‘Turkusha’ (one from the land of Turk) due to his iconoclastic tendencies. Individual efforts were undertaken by some ministers to prevent their local deities from being defiled. Kalhana mentions Turkusha (Turk) captains being employed as his ministers and army captains, hinting that this behavior could be traced back to their influence. It is factually true that Kashmir had faced Turkish troops of Ghaznavi in 1013 AD, and according to usual fashion were left behind as mercenaries to the king. Differing opinions exist on this argument. The two colossal Buddha statues that were installed under Lalitāditya, managed to survive and were seen by Kalhana in his own time. Kalhana says,
“While continually supporting the Turushka captains-of-hundreds with money, this perverse-minded [king] ate domesticated pigs until his death…
Those who are anxious to amass fortunes do not stop from evil actions; though in this world they may have reached riches which are a wonder for all. Thus the elephant, who is the Vāhana of Lotus-born Lakshmi, somehow falls into the sin of destroying the Lotus tank in his desire to obtain lotus-flowers…In the form of Harșa some demon had descended, to destroy this land hallowed by gods, tirthas and rishis”.
Figure 18: Fragmented sculptures of Lord Vishnu (without face, legs and arms), 12th century A.D excavated at Semthan, Kashmir in 2017. Notice the typical triangular trefoil crown which is also seen in sculptures at Martand temple. Credit: Kashmir Convener
Kalhana’s contempt for Harsha is further visible in the gory descriptions of Harsha lusting for women, engaging in incest and launching one disastrous military campaign after another. He also lost his title of ‘pratapachakravartin’. To add to his woes, Kashmir was struck with a severe plague and natural disasters in 1099 AD. Many towns were flooded due to inundation, while Harsha continued his spree of irrational orders. He ordered all the trees around his palace to be cut so his palace would be visible from afar and imposed taxes on people when they protested. Annoyed by the lack of support for his misguided and disastrous rule, Harsha ordered the execution of all Dāmaras or landlords.
Figure 19: Fragment of a Buddhist Prajnaparamita Sutra manuscript folio, Kashmir, at the time of Lohara dynasty, 11th-12th century CE. Jammu and Kashmir.
Opposition arose in the form of two brothers Uccala and Sussala who were sons of Malla, who had a long winding connection in the Lohara family tree to King Ananta’s father Samgrāmarāja. After escaping attempts of imprisonment by Harsha’s chiefs, Uccala launched a campaign to overthrow Harsha. He found ready support in all the erstwhile Dāmaras. News of Uccala’s invasion started a domino effect and Dāmaras in nearby areas started rebelling against Harsha. Uccala’s brother Sussala also launched a campaign against Harsha. Uccala was crowned King by the Brahmins of Hiranyapura in an attempt to create an alternate government. The priests were most likely distressed by Harsha’s iconoclasm. Harsha ordered the killing of Malla (Uccla’s father) which further enraged the two brothers.
It is in this time frame that past history converges with contemporary observation. Kalhana’s father, Canpaka was a ‘dwarpati’ i.e. ‘lord of the gate’ under Harsha. Harsha sent Canpaka to follow his son, Bhoja who had been sent to the Lohara Palace to ‘protect the royal lineage’. With Canpaka gone, Harsha was left truly aide-less, deserted by his ministers, advisors, Brahmins and relatives. His son Bhoja was killed upon reaching the city of Hastikarna. Harsha took his final shelter in the house of a mendicant beggar, where he was attacked by Dāmaras and was stabbed to death in 1101 AD.
Figure 20: Vigraha of Vaikuntha Vishnu, found in Kashmir near river Jhelum in May 2022. Vaikuntha worship is associated with Pancha Ratra Agama texts.
Kalhana ends the seventh book of Rājatarangini with a didactic message about intoxication of power and the causative effect of one’s actions. It is truly a wonder that we are able to read and visualize the history of Kashmir written down by a simple writer, who probably never imagined his impact on Indic History. Kalhana’s writing stood in strong defiance of the stereotypes perpetuated by colonial academia, about India and the alleged lack of historicity. The Kashmiri Polity moves forward with the Second Lohara dynasty under Uccala. It continues till the reign of Queen Kota Rani. Kalhana ends the seventh Taranga with,
“Fortunes are the passing flashes of lightning from the clouds of fate, and exceptional greatness finds a disgusting end. Notwithstanding this, the pride of imaginary greatness does not cease in those, whose souls are struck by delusion…The royal fortune abandoned the Himalaya summit when it is deserted by the gods, proceeds to the celestial slopes of Mount Meru.
Thus ends the Seventh Taranga in the Rājatarangini composed by Kalhana, the son of the Great Kashmirian Minister, the illustrious Lord Canpaka.”
Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article belong to the author. Indic Today is neither responsible nor liable for the accuracy, completeness, suitability, or validity of any information in the article.